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Consumer spending: The Atlas that keeps holding up the economy

By Tom Wickers, Hottinger Investment Management

Throughout the Brexit process, where uncertainty has been rife in the UK economy, one juggernaut contributor to growth has continually outdone economists’ gloomy outlooks: consumer spending. Against the backdrop of a recent lull in consumption growth, which languished at 1.5% in October[1], and with low expectations on Christmas spending, now seems an appropriate time to evaluate why consumer spending has repeatedly chugged on through adversity.

If the phrase ‘strong consumer spending props up economic growth’ does not sound familiar, a glance at UK figures for Q4 2016[2], Q3 2017[3], and even March this year prior to the original Brexit deadline[4] should provide just a few domestic examples of this actuality that has been continually demonstrated globally. In December 2017, Deloitte published a review of how resilient the consumer has been throughout the Brexit process[5]. It noted that consumer confidence had remained high despite uncertainty over future relations with Europe and a generally sombre economic outlook. Since then, the situation has changed very little. At the time of the Brexit referendum in Q2 2016, consumer confidence held at -8% [Figure 1], significantly higher than in the years following the Great Financial Recession, and has largely continued at this high level. The inference here is that concerns for the overall economy have not translated into concerns of consumers over their individual job security and financial position. Low unemployment and high real wage growth are the fundamental drivers of the high confidence that workers have experienced of late. Real wages grew by an annualised 2.1% in the third quarter and the unemployment rate remains at 3.9%, which is half its 2010 figure. The reality is that those with low incomes have dramatically increased their consumption as they have a higher marginal propensity to consume than higher earners[6] – this is reflected in an increase in net spending on essential goods of 5% between the end of 2015 and the end of 2017[7].

 

Figure 1: The history of the Deloitte Consumer Confidence Index from 2012[8]. The Deloitte Consumer Confidence Index compiles factors such as confidence in household income, job security and debt levels to give an aggregated confidence indicator.

Another compelling explanation for the resilience of consumer spending is found in the historical precedent provided by a breakdown of US GDP[9]. Since 1952, consumer spending has only decreased four times outside of a recession, two of which were shortly following a recession and one of which was immediately preceding a recession. Based on these figures, even those that are particularly bearish on markets should expect consumer spending to contribute to growth. In the three quarters prior to the ten recessions over this period, consumer spending contributed an annualised average of 1.00% to real GDP growth, while investment detracted 0.14%. This further demonstrates the robustness of consumer spending and might also suggest there is a disparity between consumers’ and business’ ability to process the economic outlook.

Some economists are suggesting consumers are spending even more than they would historically, given the prevailing market conditions. From the surge in contactless payments[10] to the increasing effectiveness of targeted advertising[11] in recent years, the way in which consumers find and buy goods is changing and (it is argued) that is making them spend more than previously. The surge of internet sales provides some insight into the speed of purchasing changes. Online sales as a proportion of total retail sales have increased to 2.4x the 2010 level, with online sales providing even more preference data and convenience[12]. However, it is difficult to prove whether the rise of internet sales or contactless purchases has contributed to new spending growth or has purely acted as a substitute for growth in other retail areas. What can be evaluated is whether the UK populace is spending at unsustainable levels, which would suggest that there is some new factor encouraging higher consumption. Two key indicators of whether the population is spending too much are if debt is unusually high and if savings are atypically low. The most recent figure on household debt-to-GDP ratios remains muted at 86.6%[13], down from an all-time high of 96% in 2010, reflecting a more cautious consumer compared to pre-crisis levels. On the other hand, the household savings ratio fell to its lowest annual level in 2017 since 1971, still trending low in 2018 at 6.1%. The recent savings ratio has been a key figure behind several articles detailing that the average person is not saving enough, particularly when it comes to pensions[14]. The danger here is that consumers will have to compensate with a heavy period of saving at some point in the future to assure their family and elderly livelihoods. Failing that, the economy would suffer from a frightening level of pensioner poverty in the long run.

Figure 2: UK historic Household Saving Ratio, as given by ONS data[15].

Throughout a highly uncertain period, consumer spending has been a knight in shining armour for the UK economy. Now, as it catches its breath, it would seem foolhardy given historical figures to presume that spending will falter altogether. That said, if consumption were to carry on heedless of savings as it has done in recent years, the UK’s long-term economic health would suffer. However, it is unlikely that long-termism will cross the minds of the hordes of shoppers during the festive season.

References:

[1] https://news.sky.com/story/uk-consumer-spending-grows-1-5-in-october-11854379

[2] https://www.businessinsider.com/brexit-aftermath-uk-gdp-q4-2017-1?r=US&IR=T

[3] https://tradingeconomics.com/articles/10252017085124.htm

[4] https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-britain-economy-retail/uk-consumers-keep-calm-and-carry-on-shopping-before-brexit-deadline-idUKKCN1RU0TU

[5] https://www2.deloitte.com/content/dam/Deloitte/uk/Documents/consumer-business/deloitte-uk-the-deloitte-consumer-review-the-brexit-consumer.pdf

[6] https://www.bostonfed.org/publications/research-department-working-paper/2019/estimating-the-marginal-propensity-to-consume-using-the-distributions-income-consumption-wealth.aspx

[7] https://www2.deloitte.com/content/dam/Deloitte/uk/Documents/consumer-business/deloitte-uk-Consumer-Tracker-Q2-2019-hs5v1.pdf

[8] https://www2.deloitte.com/uk/en/pages/consumer-business/articles/consumer-tracker.html

[9] https://research.stlouisfed.org/datatrends/net/page6.php

[10] https://www.ft.com/content/77144eec-fd3e-11e7-9bfc-052cbba03425

[11] https://www.researchgate.net/publication/254008753_How_effective_is_targeted_advertising

[12] https://www.ons.gov.uk/businessindustryandtrade/retailindustry/bulletins/retailsales/october2019

[13] https://tradingeconomics.com/united-kingdom/households-debt-to-gdp

[14] https://www.unbiased.co.uk/news/financial-adviser/people-pay-less-into-pensions

[15] https://www.ons.gov.uk/economy/grossdomesticproductgdp/timeseries/dgd8/ukea

 

Is this the end of U.S. rate cuts? If not, should it be?

By Laura Catterson, Hottinger Investment Management

In an anticipated move, the Federal Reserve delivered its third 25 basis point rate cut of 2019 at the end of October. Notably accomplishing the “mid-cycle adjustment” alluded to by Chair Jerome Powell in July when rates were first cut and prompting comparisons to Alan Greenspan’s similar 1990s playbook. The latter, termed “the great moderation”, rejuvenated the economy with continual steady growth, decreasing unemployment, stable inflation and strengthened stocks. Will Powell follow precedent with a pause or will the cuts continue?

The Federal Open Market Committee will meet again in December and as yet there is no clear indication as to how they will act. Many anticipate a “wait and see” approach, allowing the Fed to remain data dependent. Powell stated that he is “not against further rate cuts – if developments occur that change their outlook, they will respond”. Although the Fed did not outline what would prompt them to cut again, the considerable headwinds facing the US economy include slowing global growth, the US–-China trade war and deteriorating job market.

March 9th, 2019 marked the 10-year anniversary of the longest-running bull market in history, however the cracks are beginning to show. With the manufacturing PMI hitting its lowest point since June 2009 at 47.8 (Figure 1), slowing GDP growth (1.9% in the third quarter, 2% in the second and 3.1% in the first), weak job and retail sales reports and geopolitical tensions still present, many believe a 2021 recession to be a plausible threat.

Figure 1: ISM Manufacturing PMI Index

For major stock indices, rate cuts are typically goods news; and the most recent is no different. Immediate reaction saw the S&P 500 climbing 0.3% to 3,046.77, the Dow up 115.27 points and the Nasdaq ending the day up 0.3% to 8,303.98(i). Sentiment that US equities have been riding a bullish wave is supported by 2019’s steady stream of IPOs, which also highlights investors’ insatiable appetite. The interest rate cuts of the 90s also saw stocks soar, most notably driving the S&P 500 more than 20% higher within a year(ii). The Fed may be following suit in a bid to avert a downturn, however – in contrast to the adjustments made 4 years into a period of economic expansion, these cuts occur at 10 years plus. Another notable distinction is the pause in cuts that came after the “mid-cycle adjustments” of the 90s. Data shows that when the third cut is not the last, stocks tumble. (Figure 2)

Figure 2: Average 1-year S&P 500 returns after the Federal Reserve cut rates at least three times

Of similar concern, in conjunction with this collective 75 basis point cut, is the Fed’s commitment to expanding its balance sheet by way of quantitative easing. These moves indicate that, in conditions now categorised by the International Monetary Fund as a “synchronised” global slowdown, any effort by the Fed to “normalise” monetary policy is, at least for now, over(iii).

Looking to 2020, tariffs are among the variables that could see the outlook turn to the downside and increase the risk of further cuts. If President Trump carries out all threatened hikes, rates on US imports of Chinese goods will be approximately 24%, an increase of 21% in 2 years. Similarly, the rate on Chinese imports of US goods will be nearly 26%, in comparison to an average tariff rate of 6.7% for all other countries(iv). If current trends continue, experts predict a total loss of 900,000 jobs by the end of 2020(v).

During a year of economic turbulence, one pillar of support is strong corporate earnings. Q3 profits registered a better-than-expected small decline, which has helped shares reach record highs in recent days. Nevertheless, this failed to satisfy Wall Street analysts who predict a bleaker Q4 – earnings growth forecasts have been slashed to just 0.8%, down from 4.1% at the start of October. Similarly weak, Refinitiv predicts S&P 500 earnings growth for 2019 as a whole at 1.3%, the slowest rate of growth since 2015, when it rose just 0.2%(vi). This is a strong indication that the trade war is beginning to put strain on the US economy.

The Fed has much to consider when calibrating the underlying health of the economy. If there is deterioration, it is clear that further action has not been ruled out. With inflation at 1.7%, there is no justification for raising rates. This leaves the Fed with 2 options: pausing or pressing ahead with more cuts. There will most likely be pressure from President Trump’s administration to perform the latter going into a presidential election cycle which itself brings additional uncertainty. Whilst the current rate adjustments would reduce the odds of an economic recession in 2020, there are a number of reasons for investors to exercise caution going into 2021.

[i] https://www.cnbc.com/2019/10/30/stock-market-fed-rate-decision-and-earnings-in-focus-on-wall-street.html

[ii] https://www.cnbc.com/2019/10/30/when-the-fed-cuts-rate-three-times-and-pauses-history-shows-it-works-out-great-for-stocks.html

[iii] https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2019/10/19/pers-o19.html

[iv] https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/asia/2019-10-08/unwinnable-trade-war

[v] https://intpolicydigest.org/2019/11/11/tariff-impact-and-what-to-look-for-in-2020/

[vi] https://www.ft.com/content/b5a2ac58-00ac-11ea-b7bc-f3fa4e77dd47

 

October Investment Review: In a holding pattern

By Kevin Miskin, Hottinger Investment Management

With the UK originally due to leave the EU at the end of the month, domestic markets were always likely to be the focus of attention in October. In the event, Brexit was extended by a further three months and a General Election called for 12th December. Boris Johnson and the incumbent Tory government will campaign to “get Brexit done”, the Liberal Democrats and Scottish National Party for the polar opposite, with the Labour Party opting for somewhere in between by offering a second referendum.

Sterling, which recently tested 1.20 versus the US dollar, positively surged towards 1.30 after the UK and Irish leaders agreed there was a “pathway to a possible Brexit deal” at their meeting on 10th October. In fact, sterling was the best performing of the major currencies during the month, gaining 5.3% against the dollar and 2.9% against the euro. The improvement in sentiment was similarly reflected in the bond market, where the ten-year gilt rose by 14 basis points to 0.63%. The Bank of England has flagged that interest rates are likely to remain unchanged until an exit deal is agreed, at which point it would consider tightening policy. In the event of a no-deal exit, rates could go either way as the economic outlook remains highly uncertain – weak manufacturing is counterbalanced by robust employment and healthy consumer sentiment.

The economic dichotomy is similar in the US, where unemployment is at a 50-year low and wage growth solid. Yet, the Federal Reserve’s (Fed) Beige Book, which largely consists of qualitative information, pointed to a slowing economy as the China-US trade war has dampened business activity since early September. Sentiment may have subsequently improved as both parties communicated more amicable statements during October and suspended the imminent set of tariff increases. This improved optimism was reflected in the US Treasury market, where the 10-year Treasury yield rose to 1.77% from 1.66% at the end of September. Simultaneously, the three-month Treasury bill rate fell below that of the ten-year as the Fed unveiled a $60bn-a-month purchase programme to ease short-term funding pressures, thereby reversing the inversion of the yield curve. At the end of the month, the Fed cut its policy rate by 25 basis points and signalled that it would not act again this year, which suggests that it continues to believe the economy is mid-cycle rather than late-cycle.

In Europe, the ECB kept policy on hold as expected. However, its outgoing president Mario Draghi warned that the eurozone economy faces “protracted weakness” due to slowing growth and Brexit uncertainty. He expects rates to remain low and has encouraged governments to turn on the fiscal spigots to drive economic expansion. Despite this downbeat assessment and a disappointing eurozone composite PMI reading, German bund yields extended September’s upward shift across the curve, with the 30-year bund yield moving into positive territory (just).

Economic growth in China continued to slow as a result of the trade war with the US and weaker domestic demand. GDP expanded by 6% year-on-year in Q3, which is slower than expected but still within the government’s target range of 6% to 6.5%.

Global equity markets outperformed bonds on an aggregate basis and ended October at an all-time high, in local currency terms, as measured by MSCI. The outperformance of the Nasdaq, Dax, Nikkei, Hong Kong and Chinese equities suggests that a move back into cyclicals has been underway after the brief rotation in August / September.

The month of October started with a stock market sell-off after the US was given approval by the World Trade Organisation to levy tariffs on $7.5bn worth of goods it imports from the European Union, thereby further escalating trade war concerns. Yet, as the month progressed, US-Sino trade tensions abated and a broadly positive US Q3 earnings season provided a base from which to build. At the time of writing, 40% of S&P 500 stocks have reported, with 80% of companies surpassing estimates, albeit by small margins. The Information Technologies and Communications sectors have been amongst the leading sectors in terms of positive earnings and performance. The technology-heavy Nasdaq gained 3.8% on the month, thereby outperforming the broader S&P 500 index (+2.0%). In Continental Europe, the German Dax led the way (+3.5%), powered by double-digit gains in the auto sector.

The FTSE 100 was a laggard, ending the month down 2.1%, as sterling strength negatively impacted the translated earnings of its largest multi-national companies found in the Food & Beverage and Personal & Household Goods sectors. Meanwhile, Information Technology was the best performing sector, boosted by the private equity bid for Sophos. The more domestically biased FTSE Mid-Cap index gained 0.8%, assisted by greater clarity surrounding Brexit. The forthcoming General Election will be the focus of attention for the next six weeks and will likely create greater uncertainty in the short-term. Yet, at the end of the period we should have greater clarity over the future of the UK economy, which should allow British firms and global investors alike to make longer-term plans.

In conclusion, we retain our conviction that the global economy is slowing with little sign of an inflection point in the cycle. This has led to more aggressive policy responses from central banks globally. However, the ECB and BOJ have fewer tools than others at their disposal and the Fed seems to be convinced that the US economy is mid-cycle. Unlike in previous downturns, China is reluctant to reflate, thereby removing a key support for the global economy and increasing the likelihood of a recession in 2020.

In terms of asset allocation, we retain our conviction that late-cycle investing bears a heightened risk of equity drawdown and we have maintained our defensive positioning.

Monthly strategy meeting upholds the late cycle view

By Tim Sharp, Hottinger Investment Management

Events in global markets in the month running up to our latest monthly investment strategy meeting suggested that investors were feeling more optimistic about the prospects of phase 1 of the US – China trade deal being agreed in November. The outperformance of the Nasdaq, Dax, Nikkei, Hong Kong and Chinese equities suggest that a move back into cyclicals after the brief rotation in August / September has been underway.

Global Purchasing Managers Indices (PMIs) readings have been pointing to slowing manufacturing and service sector growth, with the global composite reading around 51.2. This is consistent with very slow growth and its lowest reading since 2016. However, employment data remains strong, giving hope to investors that the consumer may well save the world from recession. Earlier in the year it looked as if the US consumer would again ride to the world’s rescue, however, real consumption growth has slowed from 4.6% annualised in Q2 2019 to nearer 2.5% in Q3 2019, with many expecting this to continue into next year.

Mario Draghi’s final ECB meeting kept policy on hold as expected, but he is likely to voice his support for fiscal easing. October’s Eurozone composite PMI rose marginally to 50.2 vs. 50.1 in September. This was below consensus and disappointing after the significant fall in September, suggesting that there is very little economic growth in Europe at present. Over half of the world’s central banks have cut rates this year and it is likely that we will see another cut from the Fed FOMC in either the November or December meeting.

By the end of Q2 2019, the US economy was already decelerating. Expanding by 2.0% on an annualised basis is a level much closer to the country’s trend rate and heralded the end of the very high rates of growth of 2018, fuelled by tax cuts and government spending.

The effect of slashing corporation tax last year and the change in the treatment of capital expenditure (CapEx) has now waned as the deadweight of new tariffs and growing uncertainty over the international trading environment have combined with the waning effect of the tax cuts. In Q2 2019, investment spending actually fell by an annualised 1.0%, the sharpest fall since Q4 2015. This coincided with poor S&P 500 profits, which came in below forecast and well below the levels required to justify current valuations. In September, the ISM PMI signalled that the US manufacturing sector may be shrinking, as a reading below 50 was recorded for the second successive month.

The outlook for the UK economy remains highly uncertain. As our committee met at the end of last week, the UK was in the middle of a debate on the latest withdrawal agreement put forward by the Johnson government, but the outcome is unlikely to prevent GDP growth from dicing with recession, with manufacturing remaining weak. Employment remains strong and inflation remains relatively high – so much like in the US, the tiring consumer remains the main source of strength. The rally in sterling during the Brexit negotiations has caused significant underperformance in the FTSE 100 this month, but it is true of all UK firms that it is difficult to make medium to long term plans without a clearer pathway for the economy after a Brexit resolution.

During this month’s strategy meeting, the key views debated included concerns over the continuing slowing of the global economy with little sign of an inflection point in the cycle. This has led to more aggressive policy responses from central banks globally, however, the ECB and BOJ have fewer tools at their disposal and the Fed seems to be convinced that the US economy is mid-cycle. Our most recent website article highlights the view that China is reluctant to reflate, and that the global economy has relied on China stimulus on previous occasions to stave off recession. The implication is that the aggregate response is unlikely to be enough to prevent global recession in 2020.

In terms of asset allocation, we retain our conviction that late cycle investing bears a heightened risk of equity drawdown. This risk exists in the United States, much of Europe and the UK. We have taken a number of defensive measures over the last 12 months: increasing allocations to cash, precious metals and government bonds; cutting emerging market exposure; rotating sectors within equity and making use of capital protecting structured products.

 

Sino stimulus: How China’s hawkish policies will affect global markets

By Tom Wickers, Hottinger Investment Management

The US-China trade war has been a hot topic in daily news ever since President Trump first started applying tariffs on imports in 2018. The effects of these tariffs on the global economy are palpable, strangling growth in the United States, Asia and Europe alike. While many analysts are evaluating China’s trade policy to help forecast market conditions, there are few pieces dedicated to China’s fiscal and monetary policies and their significance to global growth.

On Friday, China released its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth data for the third quarter, disappointing analysts with a 30-year low figure of 6.0%. While some of the slow in growth is a consequence of its development into a richer society, this data has added its chime to a cacophony of alarm bells from other countries in recent months. China also announced an injection of RMB 200bn into its banking system last week, continuing the global trend of central banks reopening the taps on monetary policy stimulus. Earlier this year, China provided other injections and reduced taxes, but it is apparent that Chinese policymakers are refraining from reducing interest rates or implementing strong expansionary fiscal policy, contrasting with the aggressive rhetoric from other policymakers across the world. The key issue here is that whenever the global economy has flagged in recent years, it has been China that has dispersed funds internationally to reignite the growth engine.

There are several reasons why China is hesitant to utilise its economic tools. Perhaps the most significant is the dangerous level of debt the country has held preceding the current slowdown. Strong efforts to tackle both corporate and government debt have constrained leverage to a level that is closer to expected levels given its current economic fundamentals and growth. However, as the size of its leverage ratio was still substantial in Q2 at 249.5% of GDP[i], China’s policymakers will be averse to encouraging its lending system – particularly when considering they have only just regained control of debt levels. Figure 1 shows the Chinese credit gap; the difference in the leverage-to-GDP ratio from its long-run trend. History tells a dangerous tale for countries that have maintained a positive credit gap prior to shocks. The Spanish economy took a notably large hit from the Global Financial Crisis in 2008 and required a bailout in 2012. When Thailand unpegged the Thai baht from the US dollar in 1997, markets fled the currency and the Asian Financial Crisis ensued. Evaluating China’s leverage trend with reference to these historic cases and with consideration to the possibility of an impending global recession, it is unsurprising that it is unwilling to ramp up stimulus at this time.

Figure 1: Historic leverage-to-GDP ratio versus the long-run trend (%) – The long-run trend is shown by the dotted line and the difference between the solid and dotted lines represent the credit gap. The vertical black lines are when a shock occurred (or a bubble burst) and a crisis ensued

As mentioned, debt level is but one of the factors that compound Chinese reluctance to resort to stimulus. Inflation rates  hit a 5-year high in September, at 3.0% on the back of soaring pork prices[ii]. The Sichaun Development Guidance Fund has recently announced that it is running out of economically viable infrastructure projects for China, which have been a major channel for domestic stimulus. Funds directed this way would therefore be at risk of creating bad debt or losses[iii]. From a global perspective, China stands to benefit less from propping up global growth with cash and credit injections. The trade war with the US is hampering China’s export industry. The longer the disputes last, the greater China’s shift will be to other drivers of GDP, which will further reduce Chinese reliance on the health of international markets. Moreover, some aspects of the Chinese economy are still standing strong, such as the housing market. Until these start to deteriorate, China will likely still be pleased with its growth figures.

If China chooses not to fund global growth in difficult times ahead, as its current stance and the referenced data would suggest, a large funding hole would result and other countries would struggle to fill it – China’s GDP is the size of the 3rd-6th largest global economies combined. China has bankrolled global and US growth through credit and foreign investment in recent years. Any dip in growth has been met by further Chinese stimulus and the revival effects are evident [Figures 2 & 3]. A recent McKinsey study, looking into how exposed global trade, technology and capital are to the seven largest country economies, has corroborated this relationship[iv]. The world’s exposure to China has tripled in the past 20 years and is now greater than the average exposure to the other mega-economies. This is particularly stark given how separated some aspects of China’s economy are from the world; foreign ownership of Chinese capital is only 6%, for example. China’s exposure to the world, on the other hand, is 0.6x the average and has been decreasing.

Figure 2: China’s global credit stimulus – the left-hand axis relates to the JP Morgan index and the right-hand axis to China’s credit impulse
Figure 3: China’s investment stimulus – the left-hand axis relates to China’s Fixed Asset Investment growth and the right-hand axis relates to US GDP growth

Patience is a virtue and China historically has plenty. With the issues riddling the Chinese economy and limiting its ability to achieve more growth in healthy ways, it would seem prudent for world leaders not to expect financial aid from the East. In China’s wake, the funding gap needed to restart global growth, if it falters further, would be hard to meet and economies may find themselves in stagnation for longer than they would hope.

[i] https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201909/02/WS5d6cb7cea310cf3e3556936c.html

[ii] https://tradingeconomics.com/china/inflation-cpi

[iii] https://www.ft.com/content/6aaa5bfe-efce-11e9-ad1e-4367d8281195

[iv] China and the World, McKinsey Global Institute, June 2019

 

 

The Road Not Taken

By Harry Hill, Hottinger Investment Management

“Two roads diverged in a wood and I –

I took the one less travelled by,

And that has made all the difference.”

– Robert Frost

In a somewhat similar dilemma to the one described by Robert Frost, most investors have taken one of two possible paths. Some believe we are mid-cycle and some believe that we are walking into a recession. In this instance, we did not take the road less travelled by, and fall into the latter camp.

The global outlook is broadly consistent; falling PMIs, low unemployment, slowing earnings growth and an over-reliance on a robust consumer. Although similar, Japan paints a new picture as concerns over consumer weakness take effect. Despite this backdrop, the Nikkei 225 was up 6.14% in September. Should this move represent the investors that took the road “less travelled by”, with the belief the global economy is still mid cycle, a closer look at the fundamentals in Japan now may help investors decide which road to take.  

Manufacturing sentiment in Japan has fallen to its lowest levels since 2011, a level last seen when the country was recovering from the Great East Japan Earthquake. In August, industrial production in Japan fell 4.7% from a year earlier, marking it as the 8th time in the last 12 months that production has fallen (according to Deloitte). The outlook for export growth remains ominous with Capital Economics forecasting a 2.7% drop in export volumes next year, following a 1.5% drop this year. Although significant, the fall in Japan’s PMI was in tandem with that of the US and eurozone, suggesting that this change represents a broader decline in the industrial sector and is largely a result of the US-China trade dispute.    

On October 1st, the Japanese government hiked the national sales tax from 8% to 10% in the latest of their efforts to stimulate the economy. The additional tax revenue should allow the government to fund social welfare programmes – such as pre-school education – as a means to improve labour force participation, and pay down its large public debt. The problems with this are twofold. In the preceding months, consumers front-loaded purchases in an effort to take advantage of the lower tax rate. In August, retail sales were up 4.8%, the sharpest increase since 2014, yet relatively small when compared to the similar rallies ahead of the tax hikes in 1997 and 2014. Given this move, it is more likely that households will consume less in the months to come and so we question the likelihood of improved tax revenues through this policy. With the forecasted decline in consumer spending and the current reliance on the consumer to drive economic growth, the outlook is dim.

Looking to unemployment, which further dropped to 2.2% in July – its lowest level since 1992 – whilst encouraging, it is a deceptive picture. As global growth slows, with weaker foreign and domestic demand, Japanese firms will be more reluctant to hire new workers. As such, Capital Economics is forecasting a rise in the level of unemployment to 2.7% by the end of 2020, with knock-on effects for wage inflation and consumers purchasing power.

Due to lack of demand, bank lending across the major regional banks slowed, with bank deposits growing at a greater pace than bank loans. With mounting concerns over the health of Japanese banks, it is unlikely that the Bank of Japan (BoJ) will cut its short-term policy rate. In a renewed effort to stimulate the economy, the BoJ will likely shift focus from the purchase of long-term government bonds to short-term bonds to steepen the yield curve. Fiscal spending, although already elevated, has received a generous budget for the current fiscal year with a 1.3% increase in public spending and expectations of further increases in 2020. Overall, though, it is questionable whether this is enough.

Despite the bleak macro outlook, September’s markets told a different story. The 6.14% gain in the Nikkei 225, its biggest monthly gain in 8 months, trumped the 1.17% return on the S&P500 over the same period, suggesting investors are pricing in a lower likelihood of recession. There are renewed expectations for the FED to ease policy and increased optimism for a trade agreement between China and the US. The Japanese 10-year government bond yield rose 0.12% but less than the US 10-year, which rose 0.17%. The Yen depreciated from $106 to $108 and gold fell 2.98% to $1,481.49. The question is whether this represents a rational move in markets or a minority walking down the road less travelled?   

 

 

September Investment Review: Hanging on to good news

By Tim Sharp, Hottinger Investment Management

Following an August when investor fears focused on a growing risk of recession causing a significant bond rally, September saw these fears reduce as a slew of unexpected positive consumption data releases in the US created optimism. The impetus during the month saw equities broadly outperform bonds as investors backed out of government bonds although the significant rotation from growth stocks to value stocks suggested that investors were looking for more reasonably priced equity exposure at this time. The S&P500 halved the August decline finishing up 0.69% in September whereas the US Treasury index lost 0.93% in price terms in September.

The back-up in bonds at this stage reflects a reaction to an over-bought scenario where many investors may have thought that global recession was imminent and that the Fed and other central banks would respond more aggressively than they have proven. Having fallen to 1.498% in August US Treasury 10-year yields rose to 1.666% in September although still significantly tighter than 2.015% at the beginning of the quarter. However, it would be premature to call the top of the market for bonds when so many uncertainties and risks abound, both in the US and worldwide. The 2nd rate cut by the Fed during the month was greeted with disappointment in political circles, as was the cautious statement, and largely priced in by markets who are hoping that the return of central bank stimulus will support risk assets as well as global growth.

Our main concern remains the state of the global manufacturing cycle, which is centred on China and South East Asia and has deep tributaries that run across Eurasia and into Europe. There is evidence that global capital goods orders have been decelerating in all the major world regions mirroring data that suggest that global trade volumes have stagnated. Weak capital goods spending (CAPEX) is worrying because CAPEX is a major driver of productivity growth, which is becoming an increasingly important driver of economic growth as population expansion slows and the global labour force ages. The importance of any perceived progress in China – US trade talks were highlighted during September when positive news regarding delays to new tariffs in lieu of the resumption of talks led to the Japanese Nikkei Index jumping 5.08% despite the dollar/yen exchange rate also strengthening 1.7%. The Q3 Tankan Survey showed that business conditions were holding up better than expected and labour markets remain tight. Although the outlook for capital spending remains cautious in line with the global CAPEX story, economists do not expect a near term cut in rates.

In Europe, Germany’s industrial sector appears to be in recession although the economy in general may have avoided a technical recession in Q3. Although services have been stronger on the back of strong real wage growth, we remain sceptical that this will be enough to keep European growth above trend. In its recent meeting, the ECB cut interest rates and pledged to resume bond buying, but it also did something more unexpected. By raising the deposit rate on excess reserves to 0% while lending reserves under TLTRO III at -0.5% under certain conditions, the ECB is effectively subsidising European private sector banks, if they increase lending to non-financial companies. Loan demand is weak so it is doubtful how effective this policy will be beyond supporting European banks’ equity prices.

European equities finished the month up 3.61% on the back of the ECB decision, however, the prospect of further bond buying failed to prevent the German 10-year Bund yield reacting to profit-taking rising from -0.702% to -0.573% over the month. There remains a deep division amongst European central bankers whether Draghi was right to carry out this round of stimulus leading to the resignation of the German ECB council member Sabine Lautenschlager in protest over loosening monetary policy.

The outlook in the UK remains highly uncertain both economically and politically. Following the Supreme Court judgement that the prorogation of parliament was unlawful tensions are running high in the House of Commons as the Conservatives continue to push for Brexit withdrawal on October 31 despite the passing of the “Benn Act”.  Markets reasoned that the chances of a “no-deal” Brexit had reduced, and markets reacted accordingly with the sterling index gaining 1.50%, UK Gilt index gaining 0.50% and the FTSE All-Share bouncing 2.75%.

Economic data shows unemployment remains at 3.8%, inflation is at target and third quarter GDP may be just enough so that the UK avoids technical recession. UK soft data looks concerning even within a European context, with weak manufacturing sentiment combined with lukewarm feelings among producers in the country’s services sector. Strong real wage growth remains a bright spot in a country where investment and exports remain limited and there have been limited signs of increased government spending.

We continue to believe that the global economy is late cycle rather than mid cycle with heightened risk of an equity drawdown in developed equities. We would concentrate on defensive positions that offer an element of capital protection; government bonds and gold at the expense of emerging markets and cyclical stocks.

 

Optimism rises that the world economy will escape further deceleration

By Hottinger Investment Management

Optimism rises that the world economy will escape further deceleration

For the last few months, we have taken the view that the all-important US economy is ‘late-cycle’ with growth decelerating and a recession looming. The latest slew of data might appear to challenge this view.

The Bloomberg Economic Surprise Index has reached an 11-month high after four indicators released last Thursday, including existing home sales and jobless claims, each surpassed expectations. The gauge swung to positive from negative last week for the first time this year. The data also pushed a similar measure produced by Citigroup to the highest level since April 2018.

Last week, the Fed highlighted the US economy’s strength even as it moved forward with another interest rate cut to guard against elevated risks to the expansion. Risk-on investors are growing more confident too, lifting U.S. equity benchmarks back near to records this month; meanwhile, over the last four weeks US Treasuries have sold off. It appears that investors are starting to buy the Fed’s talk of mid-cycle adjustment.

The US data follow reports from both Europe and Japan that sentiment has surprised on the upside.

But let’s be clear, while imminent recession risks are receding, we argue that the environment is still most plausibly late cycle. US firms are still reluctant to ramp up capital investment against a backdrop of trade policy uncertainty and tepid global demand. It is unlikely – absent a pre-election fiscal boost from the Trump Administration – that US GDP will return to the 3%+ rates it enjoyed last year. Indeed, despite the release of the latest hard data, the Atlanta Federal Reserve continues to predict an annualised expansion for Q3 of closer to 2%, the same level it forecast for that period at the end of July, when bonds were still well and truly rallying. That would represent a clear deceleration.  

Meanwhile, manufacturing and industrials continue to act as drags on the economies of Europe and South East Asia. The euro area’s industrial output contracted 0.4 per cent in July over the previous month, according to official data from Eurostat. Compared to the same month last year, factory output in the 19 eurozone countries was down 2%, worse than the 1.3% fall expected by economists polled by Reuters. There’s still a risk that central banks will not move quickly enough to re-loosen policy sufficiently to keep the global cycle going further. The Fed has of course cut rates and the ECB has announced an innovative subsidy scheme for large banks by raising the deposit rate on excess reserves above those at which banks can borrow from the ECB. But it may still be too little to reverse the slowdown in global growth.

Signs of stress in dollar financing markets also remain – even if last week’s spike in repo funding costs was due to technical reasons rather than a symptom of seizure in financial markets. As we discussed recently, dollar shortage is pushing up trade financing costs, which will only ever be an impediment to business.

But perhaps by focusing so obsessively on the US and the Federal Reserve, we have missed the Chinese story. Have China’s policy actions in the face of trade headwinds turned around its economy and, in the process, improved conditions globally? It is too early to say conclusively but we can certainly point to signs.

The Chinese authorities have not been sitting on their hands this year. Since the turn of the year they have been responding to political hostilities by allowing their currency to depreciate, cutting taxes on incomes and consumption, and expanding loan availability to private firms that have been shut out by the clampdown on shadow banking operations in the country.

If we see a repeat of late 2015 with a rapidly rising Chinese credit impulse, the effect of that could far outstrip the real economy consequences of a 25bps cut in US interest rates. This would reflect the fact that the centre of the global manufacturing economy is now in Asia generally and China specifically. For that reason, we should keep a closer eye on policy developments in China.

What matters globally right now is the manufacturing and industrial picture. Until we see a reversal in fortunes in this space – and that will require both a resolution to the trade standoff and looser monetary conditions – we must still assume that recession risk globally is elevated, with Europe leading the way and the US not immune.

Would WeWork in your portfolio?

By Tom Wickers, Hottinger Investment Management

WeWork announced yesterday evening that it has shelved its initial public offering (IPO) after the reduced price-tag failed to turn investors’ heads. While the firm has not yet announced how long the delay will be, financial pressures would suggest it cannot postpone for long unless its current major financier, SoftBank, forks out more cash. The WeWork shelving leaves the IPO market in an awkward position, not dissimilar to the global economic environment, where analysts will wonder whether there is much more petrol left in the tank.

IPO investors have enjoyed a successful 2019 so far. Whilst the performances of ride-hailing firms Uber -24.28% and Lyft -34.74%* have been stuck in reverse, many IPO companies have rocketed up on the voracious appetites of investors. The year-to-date performance of the Renaissance IPO Index, which invests in recent US IPO stocks, is at +32.79%. This is a result of strong growth in 2018 IPO holdings as well as monstrous growth from recent IPOs such as Beyond Meat +511.72% and Zoom Video +126.47%. 

Figure 1: IPO Index YTD growth**

Now, while the global economy stumbles and contemplates its position and a WeWork offering looks precarious, there are still several listings that continue to plough forward. Peloton has kicked off its roadshow, Airbnb is expected to list this year, AB InBev has renewed its pledge to go public and Aramco may yet push forward with its IPO plans when it has repaired its infrastructure and tightened security. This may be seen as surprising given the cyclical nature of IPO deal flow and the current uncertainty embedded in the markets.

Figure 2: IPO cyclicality

Assessing historical IPO returns can shed some light on whether this market should be attractive at all. First Trust US Equity Opportunities ETF (FPX US Equity) trades in stocks which have recently undergone an IPO. Since inception their performance has outstripped the US equity market. Even when accounting for different risk exposures through a Carhart four-factor model regression, the fund still averaged 1.44% higher return per year than we would expect.

Figure 3: IPO performance

These findings concur with a recent study conducted by Goldman Sachs which evaluated the performance of 4,481 IPOs since 1995, and found that an IPO portfolio outperforms the market. It is, however, worth noting that the median IPO actually underperforms, meaning that the portfolio relies on the high returns of a minority of companies.

Figure 4: Goldman Sachs analysis^

Perhaps more pertinently, Goldman Sachs also found that IPOs appear overpriced compared to the market before a recession^^, which would suggest investors may want to steer clear of new IPO stocks if they are forecasting a looming downturn.

The performance of the top 5 largest IPOs in each year between 2011 – 2017 also bears bad news. Analysing the returns of these stocks for a year post-launch reveals that they have underperformed the market by 0.25% per year on average and underperformed an asset with similar risk exposures by 0.21% per year (using a Carhart model). A potential explanation for this is that big IPOs are subject to “market hype” and so suffer more from a post-offer waterfall. Large IPOs have also tended to be mature companies this decade, which have less room for growth. This, however, does little to explain the poor risk-adjusted returns. The volatility and downside risk of the returns on these stocks are also particularly unattractive and would dissuade the majority of investors from holding a sizeable position in an IPO stock.

Figure 5: Weekly returns showing volatility and downside risk

IPO activity has been piping hot so far this year, but the numbers suggest a cooler outlook on performance in the near future might be wise. With big companies still pushing to go public and high levels of market uncertainty, there is a risk of the general listing being overvalued.

When assessing a specific case, it is also worth evaluating the motives for listing at this time – is it an action born of confidence or desperation?

* Percentage change on stock price since inception. Statistics were as of 13/09/2019.

** Data taken from the Renaissance Capital website

^ Data from Goldman Sachs Global Investment Research, as of 28/08/2019.

^^Source: https://markets.businessinsider.com/news/stocks/5-most-important-factors-for-successful-ipo-performance-goldman-sachs-2019-9-1028507003#valuation3

 

Dollar strength is a deadweight for the global economy

By Hottinger Investment Management

There is a statistic hidden in a report for the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) that is a little surprising.

According to the World Trade Organisation, not only does some 80% to 90% of world trade rely on some form of trade finance (trade credit, insurance or guarantees), though mostly of a short-term nature; research from the BIS’s Committee on Global Financial Services found that up to 80% of this is denominated in dollars. Whilst firms finance most global trade (65%) themselves, either by the seller in the form of “open account financing” or by the buyer paying upfront in a “cash-in-advance” purchase, the banking system underwrites the rest – a sizeable 35%.

This means that not only the value of the dollar, but also the state of dollar financing conditions, matter well beyond US borders. In recent months, despite intentions having been signalled by central banks since late last year to start to ease monetary conditions, there are signs that the opposite is happening. Bloomberg’s index of dollar financing conditions has flirted with contraction since August.

What does this mean? The Bloomberg U.S. Financial Conditions Index1 tracks the overall level of financial stress in the U.S. money, bond, and equity markets to help assess the availability and cost of credit. A positive value indicates accommodative financial conditions, while a negative value indicates tighter financial conditions relative to pre-crisis norms.

Figure 1 shows broad US financial conditions in an index that expresses whether the availability and cost of finance is becoming more generous (if the index is above zero) or less (if the index is below zero).

The availability of credit is arguably as important as the cost of credit, and the two are interlinked. We can see some signs of this by looking at the dollar’s cross currency basis (XCB) with major developed market (DM) and emerging market (EM) currency pairs. As the chart below shows, the dollar XCB is currently strongly negative against the euro, yen, Korean won and Turkish lira. The dollar XCB is positive with some currencies such as the Mexican peso and the British pound, but on balance it is broadly negative. Any ‘basis’ – positive or negative – should not be possible; the theory of covered interest parity means that there should not be a difference between the own-currency interest expense that a foreigner pays on her dollar borrowings and what they would pay if borrowing the same funds in their own currency for the same period of time. A negative basis means that foreigners are effectively paying a premium to borrow dollars in the swap market and this typically arises when there is excess demand for dollars in the global system.

Figure 2 shows the dollar cross currency basis with the euro, Korean won, Turkish lira and Japanese yen for transactions with a range of maturities (1-year, 3-years, 5-years and 10-years).

The Federal Reserve and US banks are essential suppliers of dollars, and it is more than possible that the Fed’s hiking cycle, which began with the tapering of QE in late 2013, has squeezed global liquidity.

Figure 3 shows the evolution of US base interest rates since 1984. In the late 2000s, the Federal Funds Rate – the rate at which commercial banks can borrow reserves from the Federal Reserve – hit its zero lower bound (0%), after which the central bank used Quantitative Easing (QE) to ease financial conditions further. The Wu-Xia Shadow Interest Rate measures the effective US base interest rate after taking into account operations taken under various QE programmes, including the reversal of QE, which began in 2013.

Compounding the problem is the persistent strength of the US dollar, which few analysts expected this year as they made bets on the recovery of emerging markets. The combined effect of higher US interest rates, the growing importance of the dollar in global trade and the role of American markets as safe havens during times of economic stress has kept the dollar strong. Since early 2018, the Indonesia rupiah (-3%), the Taiwanese dollar (-7%), the Indian rupee (-10%), the Chinese yuan (-12%), the Korean won (-12%) and the Brazilian real (-20%) have all weakened substantially against the dollar.

It is not surprising, therefore, that global trade is in the doldrums. Policy uncertainty no doubt has had a role to play, but we cannot underplay the effect of tightening dollar financing conditions, the restricted supply of the dollar and the increasing reliance of international business on the greenback.

1All of the indicators included in the composite BFCIUS index are normalized by subtracting the mean and dividing by the standard deviation for each series. The mean and standard deviation are calculated from observations during the pre-crisis period, which is defined as the period from 1994 to July 1, 2008. The normalized values are then combined into the composite BFCIUS index, which is itself normalized relative to its pre-crisis values. As such, the BFCIUS index is a Z-Score that indicates the number of standard deviations by which current financial conditions deviate from normal (pre-crisis) levels.

August Investment Review: Bond markets take centre stage once more

By Tim Sharp, Hottinger Investment Management

Global tensions and softening economic conditions disrupted the thoughts of many market practitioners as they relaxed on vacation; a combination of previously tightening monetary conditions, the intensifying US-China-EU trade war, and the secular slowdown in China have – we believe – all contributed to the downward shift in global economic activity. In Europe, export-facing manufacturers continue to struggle as China reduces demand for capital goods and car manufacturers wait as the US considers a round of tariffs aimed specifically at the industry.

The data released in August confirmed the trend towards a coordinated global slowdown that we have been signposting for the best part of the year. US Q2 growth came in at 2.1% annualised (vs 3.1% Q4 2018); in China, Q2 expansion was 6.2% annualised (vs 6.4% Q4 2018), and for the euro area the Q2 quarter-on-quarter growth rate was 0.2%, down from 0.4% in Q4 2018. Within the European region, two major economies – the UK (-0.2%) and Germany (-0.1%) – contracted over the quarter, whilst Italy saw no growth.

The rally in global government bonds continued, while in equity markets there was no sign that the great valuation divergence between US equities and Developed Market-ex US equities that has opened since the early 2010s was beginning to close. US Treasuries rallied 3.60% with the biggest gains in longer-dated maturities, where 30-year bond yields fell below 2% for the first time and 30-year German Bund yields joined shorter-dated bonds in negative territory, finishing the month at -0.179%. The US Federal Reserve has done more than any other central bank in ‘normalising’ monetary policy in the last few years; higher rates do not seemed to have constrained US domestic activity but the offer of higher yields has kept the dollar strong despite many predictions to the contrary, which has underlined our decision to be wary about further investment in emerging markets.

The rally in US equities during 2019 (+16.74%) has been based almost entirely on valuation expansion rather than a sustained uptick in earnings. However, the fall in the S&P500 of 1.81% in August stems from the anxiety that central banks will be unable to prevent the global economy dipping into recession in 2020. This means that earnings estimates – although they have weakened significantly throughout the year – are probably still too optimistic (according to Morgan Stanley). European equities were also down -1.34%, and Japan fell 3.80% while emerging markets struggled and fell -5.08%.

Late cycle is a challenging time for investors. The conventional wisdom, for the US at least, is that an inverted yield curve is a leading indicator for recession, and recession – in so far as company earnings are likely to underperform – is usually bad for equities. However, while an inverted yield curve may well be a leading indicator, it is a fairly blunt one. On previous occasions during which the US Treasury yield curve inverted, it took anything between six months and two years for a recession to actually materialise. In that time, equity markets can continue to rally until falling earnings take valuations to unsustainable levels.

Consumption has driven the UK economy since the EU referendum, with households cutting their savings rate and liquidating foreign holdings to keep the economy buoyant. Following the election of Boris Johnson to leader of the Conservative party and, therefore, Prime Minister, a more hardline approach to the Brexit negotiations was generally expected. However, the decision earlier this week to prorogue parliament from September 9th until the new policy agenda is announced in the Queen’s speech on October 14th was largely unexpected and met with widespread opposition.

Given the heightened political risk of both a disorderly Brexit and the election of a Corbyn administration, we believe that UK gilts are overbought. The UK gilt market gained 3.76% over the month and 11.29% year-to-date, with the 30-year gilt yield falling to just 1%. This is notwithstanding the high level of UK inflation expectations, which suggest that inflation could rise towards 3% in the coming months. Nevertheless, the UK controls its own currency and it is not inconceivable that future coordination between the Bank of England and the Treasury could lead to a policy that holds the yield curve down, to the benefit of investors who are already in the market.

As the pound bounced back 0.34% during August after the weakness caused by heightened no deal fears, the FTSE 100 (-5.68%) outperformed the FTSE All-Share (-4.38%) on the downside. That aside, moving towards October 31st we are seeking solutions to protect capital but still maintain upside participation to equities, as well as looking to rotate into large cap UK stocks that have greater exposure to foreign sources of earnings and are better prepared for a hard Brexit.

 

Is there really appetite to tax the rich? Evidence suggests not

By Hottinger Investment Management

“In this world, nothing can be said to be certain, except death and taxes”

What US founding father Benjamin Franklin didn’t say (but perhaps knew) was that death and tax policy are deeply interlinked.

That’s the thesis from Kenneth Scheve and David Stasavage, who have studied the history of taxation in Europe and the United States, in their book Taxing the Rich – A History of Fiscal Fairness in the United States and Europe. They find that what we think drives high taxes on the rich – inequality, envy and the ability to pay – doesn’t really show up in the data. It wasn’t universal suffrage or the politics of left- and right-wing governments that drove large increases in claims on the rich in the 20th century, but the need for equal sacrifice in a time of war.

In the 19th century, John Stuart Mill wrote that taxes should be levied to ensure “equality of sacrifice”, but that left open the question of what form these taxes should take: should they be proportional or progressive? This is an unresolved moral issue at least half a millennium old. The introduction of the decima scalata, a progressive tax on land income, in Florence in the year 1500 created a vigorous debate that Francesco Guicciardini – statesman and friend of Machiavelli – summarised in a brief text. There one can find statements that match the sentiment we find across the political spectrum today. Depending on political persuasion, the ideal principle ranges from one that emphasises the ability to pay (progressive taxation, with richer folk paying more as a share of their resources) to one extolling the virtues of equal treatment (proportional taxation, with everyone paying the same share of resources in taxes), or one where everyone pays the same flat fee (regressive taxation).

But there is another way of looking at “equality of sacrifice” that has entertained recent studies in tax history, not least Thomas Piketty’s seminal work on inequality and capitalism in 2014. Following Piketty, Scheve and Stasavage conclude that the effect of two all-consuming and devastating world wars explains the very large increases in taxes on the rich in the 20th century, with those taxes gradually falling back in the following decades. The 1918 Labour Party manifesto called for a ‘Conscription of Wealth’ from the older members of the British population who made money from the war but were not enlisted to fight in the trenches. Equality of sacrifice here meant short-term confiscations from the wealthy in the form of income and wealth taxes, as well as levies on capital and excess profits, to finance the costs of the war and social reconstruction in the years that followed.

Scheve and Stasavage’s major insight is that the countries that mobilised for war – such as the UK, US and France – raised top income taxes on the rich by much more than those that didn’t. While rates were below 10% before the First World War in most industrial countries, they rose to an average of 40% by 1919 in the belligerent industrial states, compared to just 15% in those that stayed out of the war. In the UK, top taxes on income rose to 98% and on large estates to 80% in the period after WW2 in order to fund a growing welfare state that was seen as a reward for the sacrifice of those who went to fight.

Figure 1 shows the top rate of marginal tax on the highest incomes in each country. Rates spiked during the two World Wars before falling in the following decades.

As the impact of the wars subsided, so did the demands on the rich – yet the demand for public services has continued to grow. Average top rates of income tax fell from 65% in 1945 to below 40% in 2010 at the same time as the size of government doubled from 20% of GDP to 40%, funded by a broader tax base. What is surprising about this book is how robustly the authors discount other widely held explanations for the gradual reduction in tax paid by the richest 1% since 1980. The influence of political lobbying, liberalised capital flows and the breakdown of the post-war consensus are, in their view, inadequate answers. What has changed is the focus on ‘equality of sacrifice,’ which has returned to a debate about fairness, a concept under which both ‘equal treatment’ and ‘ability to pay’ can coexist and compete on normative terms. Fairness can be invoked to defend taxes that are high or low; flat or progressive.

Figure 2 shows tax revenue as a percentage of national income for France, the UK and the US. Together with Figure 1, it implies that the tax base broadened once top marginal rates fell in the 1970s and 1980s in order to fund growing government expenditure. After the wars, populations came to accept that the burden for funding the state should be borne more equally than it was immediately after WWII.

So in the light of the global financial crisis, the rise of Jeremy Corbyn, and the intensifying focus on the so-called 1%, what are the likely consequences for tax policy in the US and Europe?

Not much, say Scheve and Stasavage. In a 2014 study with YouGov, 2,000 US taxpayers were asked what they believed the marginal tax rate should be for different income levels. For those earning over $375,000, the median preferred rate was 30%, which is less than the 35% rate that is actually charged on incomes above $375,000 today. Even when respondents are informed of the scale of inequality in the US – which is significantly greater than many people imagine – their preferred rate of tax for top incomes does not change very much.

Despite the challenges thrown up over the last decade by the financial crisis, there is no clear evidence of a widespread impulse to bring down the rich. There is still an appreciation among many that wealth can be built by good work that improves society, and that sensible progressive taxation gets the balance right between ability to pay and equality for all under the law.

But that appreciation is not guaranteed to last. If there’s reassurance from this work that we’re unlikely to see the emergence of a politics of envy riding on the back of confiscatory taxes, there is a warning too that reinforces the urgency of reforming capitalism. We need to promote a popular, inclusive capitalism from which everyone can benefit; and a social contract that offers a level playing field, chances for individual fulfilment, social solidarity, and compassion for the less fortunate.

Public sentiment may change for the worse if the majority of taxpayers start to believe the economy is systematically rigged in favour of the rich in a way that is fuelling inequality. If electorates feel that too much of the burden of funding the state falls on low- and middle-income earners, especially in the form of indirect taxes, there could well be greater support for higher, compensatory levies on wealth and top incomes. If there is another banking crisis that calls on states to bail out failed actors, there would be calls for retribution. And if a perception grows that the rich not only benefit from favourable effective tax rates but also get special treatment by the state when it comes to building a successful career or business, or influencing political and social life, the public mood could easily sour during a future downturn.

The job for those who support the free enterprise system is to make sure that doesn’t happen.

What will it take to get the German government to spend?

By Hottinger Investment Management

A week after the UK posted negative Q2 economic growth figures, it was Germany’s turn for disappointing news. According to the Federal Statistical Office (FSO), Germany’s gross domestic product (GDP) was 0.1% lower at the end of June than it was at the start of April. Persistent weakness over the last twelve months means that the German economy is only 0.4% larger today than it was a year ago.

Softness in the country’s macroeconomy has been reflected within export-facing industries that are highly exposed to the global economy. Data from the Verband der Automobilindustrie reveal that annual production of passenger cars has fallen by more than a million units (from 5.8 million cars in mid-2017 to fewer than 4.8 million cars today).

The slowdown in China and the adverse development of the politics of international trade have hit German car-makers hard. According to ING, one quarter of all cars sold in China were German – with BMW, Daimler and Volkswagen relying on Chinese demand as the source of over one third of their total car revenues. Daimler has issued four profit warnings in recent times and Continental expects a 5% drop in global car production.

But it is not just car makers who are feeling downbeat; some of the country’s largest industrial firms have released warnings of some description. Chemical producer BASF has cut profit expectations by 30%, Henkel announced that it missed its Q2 revenue target, and Lufthansa announced that H1 2019 profits were €800m lower than the corresponding period a year earlier.

Even though Germany’s service sector is showing more resilience, the poor performance of industrials (down over 5% over the last 12 months according to the Federal Statistical Office, FSO) is a major issue for the country because this sector is a significant driver of German exports, which itself account for 47% of GDP according to the World Bank (considering imports, the excess of exports over imports amounts to around 7% of GDP). As global demand is a major determinant of a country’s export demand, and small economies such as Germany have little influence over global factors, the country must be willing to boost domestic demand if it wants to stabilise its overall GDP.

Fiscal policy is the best understood method of boosting a struggling economy. It involves deficit spending, where the government spends more than it takes in through taxes, usually by borrowing funds from investors in the bond markets. This should create additional demand that, in theory, percolates through the economy and reduces the effects of a slowdown on employment and wages. The problem is that the German political class has developed an almost allergic stance to deficit spending in recent years, exposing the economy to the vicissitudes of global trade.

In recent weeks, the situation moved into absurd territory with investors now willing to pay the German government to borrow for a period of a generation (or thirty years). It is worth putting this into context. The negative yield in 30-year German government bonds implies that the state could destroy resources and still make good on its debts, even before inflation is taken into account. At one-point last week, the 30-year yield fell to as low as -0.27% (See figure 1); this means that at this yield a €100, 30-year zero-coupon bond would generate funds of about €108.45 from the markets. With the government due to return only the €100 in thirty years’ time, markets are basically saying that the state can waste about 8% of the nominal funds that investors lend to it and ensure that the rest is only preserved – in nominal terms – over the holding period.

It is even more striking once one considers the effects of inflation. If the rate of German inflation averages 2% over the next thirty years, the government would in real terms have to return only half of what investors lend to it today.  It is an extraordinary situation,  yet the German government is still not taking advantage of it. Why?

Figure 1 shows the yield on 2-year, 10-year and 30-year German government bonds.

The key factor is the law. In response to the rise in public borrowing after the global financial crisis, the then German government amended its constitution to introduce the Schuldenbremse (or debt brake), limiting structural deficits at 0.35% of GDP for the federal government and 0% for German states (Länder) after 2020. Article 109, Paragraph 3 of the Basic Law essentially forbids meaningful deficit spending unless it is caused by ‘cyclical’ factors, such as an economic downturn that pushes down tax revenues and raises payments on items such as unemployment insurance. As a result, public indebtedness in Germany has been falling rapidly over recent years (see figure 2).

The €50bn stimulus package that Finance Minister Olaf Scholz floated as a suggestion last week is therefore very much dependent on the economy first falling into recession and is in any case constrained by the 60% debt-to-GDP ceiling imposed by the European Union’s Maastricht Treaty and protected by the Schuldenbremse law. In other words, the spending pledge risks being too little, too late.

Figure 2 shows the debt-to-GDP ratio of Germany and the Eurozone (including Germany). Since 2014, Germany has run balanced budgets (colloquially known as the schwarze Null). This, combined with strong GDP growth, has pushed down the country’s indebtedness towards levels approved by the Maastricht Treaty.

But this only shifts the question as to why the government won’t change the law to allow for structural deficits. There would be plenty of uses for deficit spending, whether it’s repairing roads and bridges, installing digital infrastructure, investing in schools, or getting the country retrained and retooled for the green energy transition whose first casualty could be Germany’s car manufacturers if it continues to rely on the internal combustion engine. The longer the country neglects areas in serious need of investment, the harder it will become for it to overcome the problems that such underinvestment will inevitably cause.

There is something else too. Structural deficits can be inflationary, and inflation is anathema to the key players in Germany’s political economy. Earlier in the year, Martin Höpner, a scholar at the Max-Planck-Institut in Cologne, published a paper on the history of what he calls Germany’s “undervaluation regime”. He describes how this regime started not with the euro but in 1944 with the Bretton Woods system of fixed global exchange rates, allowing Germany to run trade surpluses by keeping inflation low and its real effective exchange rate weak and thus competitive. A combination of German industry looking to expand into new markets, trade unions hoping to protect job security and the Bundesbank burnishing its low inflation credentials created conditions for the country’s strong position in global trade markets. Expansive fiscal policy, however, disturbs this equilibrium by generating upward pressure on wages via the public sector that can push corresponding wages in exports firms up too, thus reducing the export competitiveness in what is a very well-protected business sector.

Figure 3 shows the relationship between nominal GDP growth (g) and the 10-year German bond yield (r). Where the former exceeds the latter, the government can run a budget deficit of a limited size without increasing the debt-to-GDP ratio. The larger the excess of g over r, the greater the deficit can be without raising the public debt-to-GDP ratio.

A more challenging global environment may change this calculation. It appears that a slowing China, which is looking to source more of the capital goods that it has recently imported from Germany domestically, combined with political tensions that are negatively impacting global trade, could create serious problems for Germany’s export-driven accumulation model.

If these trends were to continue, Germany would have to start looking closer to home for sustained economic growth. That would mean deficit spending, which could have benefits for both Germany and the wider European region. Government spending would make up for years of under-investment and could provide conditions for the German economy to better face structural changes in the global economy – as it faces the rise of digital technologies and the transition to a low-carbon production model. If it raises Germany’s nominal GDP growth rate while keeping bond yields low, the deficit could effectively more than pay for itself (see figure 3). For Europe, higher domestic demand in Germany should raise demand for imports from other euro area states, and any higher German inflation that results could improve the competitiveness of those states.

The German government is starting to talk about stimulus and that is good. But the fear is that when it comes, it will be too little and too late.

How vulnerable is the UK economy to a hard Brexit?

By Hottinger Investment Management

During the second quarter of this year, the UK economy contracted for the first time since 2012. The Office for National Statistics (ONS) revealed earlier today that the British economy was 0.2% smaller at the end of June than it was at the beginning of April.

Market watchers have put forward a number of preliminary factors to explain this. One was the strong growth in Q1 due to the stockpiling of intermediate goods among manufacturers and other goods producers. Even if Brexit had taken place as planned at the end of March, the effect of this activity was always going to fall out of the second quarter’s figures as factories took their collective foot off the pedal.

The next factor is the state of the global economy. Some of the UK’s largest trading neighbours – including Germany and Italy – are seriously flirting with recession. Last week saw another dreadful round of factory data out of Germany and the Netherlands, and this follows disappointing numbers out of France, which hitherto had been seen as a bright spot.

The UK remains closely integrated into the European economy and will catch a cold whenever the old continent sneezes. It should be noted that even at the height of the British Empire and under the system of Imperial Preference that elevated – for example – the lamb of New Zealand over that of Spain, the European continent was often the UK’s single largest trading partner1. Gravity is hard to suspend.

But the biggest factor has to be the Brexit uncertainty. For over a year, businesses have more or less stopped investing in the UK. In 2018, according – again – to ONS figures, growth in investment (or gross fixed capital formation) at 0.2% was the lowest in the G7 group of nations. This compared to an average annual growth rate in investment for the UK of 4% over the past twenty years. Lack of business investment has been contributing negatively to growth, leaving the consumer to carry the burden.

Consumers have been able to carry the burden because since the EU referendum, they have cut their savings ratio from 7% of GDP in Q2 2016 to 4.1% in Q1 2019. More recently, wages have been growing faster than inflation, providing tail winds for the consumer.

The obvious problem with this model is that it ought to be unsustainable. Higher inflation brought about by continued sterling weakness amid concerns over an acrimonious Brexit would suppress real wage growth. And there is only so far the household sector can cut its savings before dangerous financial imbalances build up among the subsets where income and wealth are lower. Household debt-to-GDP has steadily risen from roughly 85% of GDP during 2015 to above 87% today, according to figures from the Bank for International Settlements.

But there is an even bigger question of ‘sustainability’, involving the British economic model and its relationship with the rest of the world, which makes the outcome of Brexit a critical factor. For most of the period since the UK last saw a quarter of negative GDP growth, the country has run a current account deficit of more than 4% of GDP. This means, crudely, that for every £100 of resources that entities within the UK produce, those same entities (whether they are households, companies, banks or governments) consume £104, with the extra £4 arising mostly through an excess of imports over exports. It is where the phase ‘living beyond one’s means’ is most credibly used when describing the British economy, because the country has to borrow funds from foreign sources to pay for this excess. The question is whether this assessment is right.

Figure 1 shows the sectoral net lending or borrowing positions of each UK economic sector. Each sector can save or borrow resources. Sectors that borrow raise funds from the sectors that save such that the sum of the net lending/borrowing positions is always zero.

Since the EU referendum, all domestic UK sectors (households, businesses and government) have been borrowing from the only foreign sector, the ‘rest of the world’. Whilst it is not surprising that the foreign sector is a net lender, it is highly unusual for a domestic economy as a whole – even one with a large current account deficit – to rely exclusively on foreign funding for its consumption. This is because the household sector is usually a net lender, providing funds to domestic businesses and government. But such is the current state of the UK that stretched consumers appear to be carrying the economy in the way that an airliner’s engine picks up the slack of its busted twin.

The source of this foreign funding is essential. If the source constitutes foreign direct investment or portfolio flows from non-UK citizens whose base currency is not sterling, then the UK is at serious risk of a sudden stop in funding in the event of a hard Brexit. The threat of a deep depreciation could then combine with a spike in inflation, a rise in interest rates and a cut in consumption in a manner which might push the UK into recession. This follows logically from the sectoral balances – whose elements must in toto sum to zero – if foreigners choose to stop lending to Brits. We may already be seeing early signs of this with the fall in sterling against both the US dollar and the euro in recent weeks.

However, given the rally in UK gilts in recent months, in line with the global search for safe assets, it is not obvious that this scenario will play out in the event of no deal on the 31st October.

There is also an argument backed by research from the Bank of England that downplays the importance of this imbalance. It relies on the assumption that while ‘foreign funds’ are financing the domestic-facing UK sectors, these foreign funds are largely held by British citizens whose base currency is sterling. A fall in sterling would therefore increase the sterling value of the UK’s overseas assets. It would mean that the imbalance we see in the chart above could actually be sustained beyond Brexit.

If this story is right then we would then have to rewrite our story as one in which the UK is progressively running down its foreign holdings to fund the consumption of present resources. In practice, this manifests in asset owners liquidating their foreign holdings to fund either their own consumption or that of other British entities – whether households, firms or governments – through lending.

Notwithstanding the global situation, Brexit is a big factor behind the slowing UK economy. The question is whether further downside could yet come and how deep that could be. If the UK does head for a hard Brexit, the outlook for the country depends as much on who is funding the profligate British economic model as it does on the prospect of tariffs or regulatory barriers resulting from a hard Brexit.

1 In most of the years between 1840 and 1880, Europe accounted for around 40% of the United Kingdom’s exports, a share that remained broadly stable as trade with other regions fluctuated. Sourced from Schlote, W. (1952) British Overseas Trade from 1700 to the 1930s.

 

 

 

July Investment Review: Central banks in the spotlight

By Hottinger Investment Management

July was the month in which markets started to get what they wanted from central banks. On 31st July, the US Federal Reserve (Fed) delivered a 25 basis point cut to interest rates, the first of roughly four such cuts expected by investors before next spring.

Other central banks continued the soothing mood music, with the European Central Bank’s (ECB) Mario Draghi signalling rate cuts and renewed asset purchases and the Bank of Japan’s Haruhiko Kuroda committing strongly to stimulus if the global slowdown continues. By supporting liquidity, the Federal Reserve’s action has emboldened central banks in emerging market economies seeking to provide their own stimulus. The Central Bank of Turkey cut its benchmark one-week repo rate by 4.25 percentage points in July, from 24% to 19.75%, and signalled further cuts in the future. Brazil’s central bank cut rates by 50 basis points for the first time in a year, and in Indonesia and Russia rates fell by 25 basis points last month.

In financial markets, activity was mostly placid. The positive correlation between the total returns of stocks and bonds – rising share prices coinciding with rising bond prices – has started to break down. In July, the price of 10-year US Treasuries fell by 0.34% as the S&P 500 pushed higher by 1.65% over the month. Positive correlations are still strong in the UK, however: 10-year UK gilt prices rose by 2.31%, while the FTSE All-Share rose by 1.02%. UK 10-year government yields have fallen from 1.2% in May to 0.625% at the end of last month as investors – in the search for safer assets – shrug off British political instability and the likely resumption of deficit spending. Meanwhile, German bunds have consistently rallied since October last year, when the first signs of volatility on the back of slowing global activity emerged. Since then, the price for 10-year bunds has risen by 10.5%; in July prices rose by 0.9%. However, European equity markets were negative on the month with the Dax down roughly 3% and the Euro Stoxx 50 1% lower than it was in June.

European equity markets declined sharply, with cyclical sectors leading the fall due to unfavourable global trading conditions and the fading effects of the previous round of monetary stimulus from the ECB. With weak industrial production weighing on activity in Germany and Italy, investors looked to France and Spain to provide a boost to the Eurozone economy. However, French Q2 GDP figures were weaker than expected and confirmed to many that the region as a whole could be moving into a slower lane. Disappointing European earning results, along with Brexit concerns, also contributed to subdued returns from European equity indices.

It is not surprising, therefore, that we saw some evidence of a defensive rotation in the European markets. The only European cyclical sector that saw positive expansion was Consumer Discretionary, which saw price growth of 0.5% in July, according to MSCI indices. Industrials (-1.03%), Financials (-2.31%), IT (-0.95%) and Materials (-3.36%) all saw price declines. Conversely, the defensive sectors either held their own or saw modest gains: Consumer Staples (+2.55%), Utilities (+0.23%), Healthcare (+0.12%) and Telecoms (+0.25). The picture is less clear for the UK, which saw defensive sectors such as Consumer Staples (+2.96) and Healthcare (+9.25) rally, but Utilities (-2.33%) fall back. Ongoing concern over the prospect of a new government that could seek to purchase utility companies at unfavourable valuations continues to bear down on that particular sector.

At the end of July, Fed Chair Jay Powell described his rate cut as a ‘mid-cycle adjustment’ to address softening inflation and sentiment. Asset markets are behaving as if this assessment is correct. Both cyclicals and defensives expanded in the US; the MSCI’s US Technology index (cyclical) and its Consumer Staples index (defensive) rose by over 3%. We think that the US economy is actually in late cycle, a period of the economic cycle where the growth rate of the economy is positive but falling before turning negative. Slower growth means that company earnings are less likely to meet investors’ expectations, raising the likelihood that share prices will fall. We are concerned that the implied earnings expectations priced into valuations are ambitious given the current macroeconomic environment.

Despite the move to ease monetary policy in the United States, the US dollar index strengthened by 1.73% against a basket of other developed currencies. Of particular interest has been the performance of sterling, which weakened by 3.82% against the dollar and 2% against the euro. Concern over the new British Prime Minister’s comfort with the prospect of leaving the European Union with no deal has forced sterling down at a time when wage growth and consumer spending are strong and the Bank of England is more reluctant than others to engage in monetary stimulus. 

Further, the gold price (up by 1.9% in July) has been boosted by central bank purchases as these organisations reduce their exposure to US dollar reserves due – in large part – to the unresolved trade stand-off between the US and China and the risk of politicisation of the Federal Reserve.

In a late-cycle environment, real assets can be more attractive than credit products, and it often pays to take some equity risk off the table. While bond yields are low, the rally in this asset class could have some distance to run. We will keep an eye on this as the short-term benefits of capital appreciation could offset the low or negative yield over the holding period.